Russian President Vladimir Putin’sa

Russian President Vladimir Putin’sannual summit visit to India this year was a brief affair. Putin came looking for assurances that an India led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi would have no truck with Western attempts to isolate Russia and will continue to be a “time tested and reliable” partner, especially at a time of economic difficulties for Russia.

These, he received. India has given the Russians both official as well symbolic reassurance that it does not support Western sanctions. In return, India has got its own set of guarantees at the highest level from the Russians for spares for existing Russian-origin military hardware, with Moscow agreeing to move more quickly on transferring technology for the equipment to Indian firms. Keen to retain its position in the Indian defense sector, Russia has also become the first major arms exporter to come on board with India’s military-aerospace industrial goals under the “Make in India” program, with an initiative to produce and even export Russian origin helicopters from Indian soil being announced during the visit itself. At a time when Russia needs India’s high-end human resources and its market size and India requires more high-value manufacturing elements, the long-standing trust between the two sides seems to be helpful.

While the joint vision document released during the visit explicitly notes that India and Russia oppose economic sanctions that do not have the approval of the United Nations Security Council, it was perhaps the fact that a business delegation led by the Crimean prime minister accompanied Putin on his visit that was more revealing of India’s stance on Ukraine. The Indian government is apparently encouraging Indian businesses to engage more deeply in Crimea, in a clear signal that it stands with Russia irrespective of American positions. In fact India is going even further than China is in making its support for Russia clear.

And that of course is by design, since India does not want Russia to step back from its traditional role of maintaining a power balance in Eurasia. Of course, India will need to offer more than just support on Crimea if it is to prevent Russia from becoming overly dependent on China at a time when Moscow needs to re-orient itself away from Western markets. It is here that Modi’s statementon Russia remaining India’s primary defense partner despite other options for his country becomes important. The Russian embassy in India has been rather voluble of late in denouncing India’s turn towards the United States and France as defense partners, while Russian spares support for existing programs had become rather uneven – leading to calls in India to scale back its military partnership with Russia.

Kết quả (Việt) 1:

Tổng thống Nga Vladimir Putin'sannual hội nghị thượng đỉnh đến Ấn Độ năm nay là một vụ ngắn. Putin đã tìm kiếm sự đảm bảo rằng một Ấn Độ do tướng Narendra Modi sẽ có không có chiếc xe tải với các nỗ lực phương Tây cô lập liên bang Nga và sẽ tiếp tục trở thành một đối tác "thời gian thử nghiệm và đáng tin cậy", đặc biệt là tại một thời gian khó khăn kinh tế cho liên bang Nga.Này, ông nhận được. Ấn Độ đã cho người Nga trong cả hai chính thức cũng biểu tượng bảo đảm rằng nó không hỗ trợ Tây xử. Đổi lại, Ấn Độ đã có thiết lập của riêng mình đảm bảo ở mức cao nhất từ Nga cho các phụ tùng cho sẵn có nguồn gốc Nga phần cứng quân sự, với Moskva đồng ý để di chuyển nhanh hơn trên chuyển giao công nghệ cho các thiết bị cho các công ty Ấn Độ. Quan tâm để giữ lại vị trí của nó trong lĩnh vực quốc phòng Ấn Độ, liên bang Nga cũng đã trở thành nước xuất khẩu lớn cánh tay đầu tiên đi trên tàu với mục tiêu công nghiệp hàng không vũ trụ quân sự của Ấn Độ theo chương trình "Thực hiện tại Ấn Độ", với một sáng kiến để sản xuất và thậm chí xuất khẩu máy bay trực thăng của Nga nguồn gốc từ Ấn Độ đất được công bố trong chuyến thăm chính nó. Tại một thời điểm khi Nga nhu cầu nguồn nhân lực cao cấp của Ấn Độ và kích thước thị trường và Ấn Độ đòi hỏi nhiều yếu tố sản xuất giá trị cao, sự tin tưởng lâu dài giữa hai bên có vẻ là hữu ích.While the joint vision document released during the visit explicitly notes that India and Russia oppose economic sanctions that do not have the approval of the United Nations Security Council, it was perhaps the fact that a business delegation led by the Crimean prime minister accompanied Putin on his visit that was more revealing of India’s stance on Ukraine. The Indian government is apparently encouraging Indian businesses to engage more deeply in Crimea, in a clear signal that it stands with Russia irrespective of American positions. In fact India is going even further than China is in making its support for Russia clear.And that of course is by design, since India does not want Russia to step back from its traditional role of maintaining a power balance in Eurasia. Of course, India will need to offer more than just support on Crimea if it is to prevent Russia from becoming overly dependent on China at a time when Moscow needs to re-orient itself away from Western markets. It is here that Modi’s statementon Russia remaining India’s primary defense partner despite other options for his country becomes important. The Russian embassy in India has been rather voluble of late in denouncing India’s turn towards the United States and France as defense partners, while Russian spares support for existing programs had become rather uneven – leading to calls in India to scale back its military partnership with Russia.