Table 2 presents three measures of

Table 2 presents three measures of the division of labor between husband and wife at the start of
marriage, by marriage cohort. The first measure indicates the percent that report either that the couple
shares the chore equally or that the husband is the main person doing the chore. This measure largely
reflects situations where the respondent says that the husband and wife share main responsibility. Only in
relatively few cases does a respondent report that a task is done mainly by the husband. For this reason
we combined the two categories when constructing the measure. Results for this measure are based on
respondents who reported that the primary responsibility was taken by at least one member of the couple
(i.e., respondents who said someone other than the husband or wife was the main doer of the task are
excluded). The second and third measures are based on reports of how much the husband and wife each
did the specific task regardless of who was the main task doer. Given that wives are far more likely than
husbands to play a major role in doing these chores, different measures are employed to indicate their
contributions. For husbands, we examine the combined percent that reportedly did the chore some or a
lot, while for wives, we examine the percent reported to do this chore a lot.
Overall, the three measures are consistent in suggesting that little change has occurred in the relative
responsibility of husbands and wives in relation to the domestic chores being examined across the three
cohorts. The only noticeable trend is in an increase in the involvement of husbands in managing the
household budget. No clear trends are evident for the other five chores being examined. In only a
minority of cases do husbands share equally or take main responsibility for doing any of the specified
chores regardless of marriage cohort. Higher proportions of respondents indicate that the husband did
specific chores some or a lot, although even according to this less stringent measure only a minority of
husbands is reported to contribute to any specific chore. For all three cohorts the wife clearly plays a
much more important role in all tasks. A substantial majority of respondents report that the wife did each
of the specific chores a lot, although the wife’s role in managing the household budget is somewhat lower
than for the other tasks. The increasing trend indicated for the husbands’ contribution to any task is
largely driven by the increase in husbands’ contributions to managing the household budget. When this is
excluded, increases in the percent that contribute to any chores between the first and second cohort
disappear and the increase between the second and most recent cohort is noticeably reduced.
Table 3 assesses cohort differences in the division of labor between wives and husbands in domestic
chores at the early stages of marriage within a multivariate framework. Besides marriage cohort, the
covariates included relate to gender of the respondent, place of residence, wife’s education and whether or
not someone other than the couple is mainly responsible for the task. We include gender of respondent
since our bivariate analysis showed it is strongly associated with the assessed level of one’s own and
one’s spouse’s contribution. The choice of place of residence and wife’s education is based in part on the
theoretical perspectives reviewed earlier. In relation to the ideological perspective, we assume that living
in a rural area will be associated with more conservative attitudes and thus less equality in the division of
domestic labor (i.e., decreasing the likelihood that the husband helps in domestic chores). We assume
higher education, especially on the part of the wife, will be associated with more liberal attitudes towards
women's roles in the household and thus to greater equality in the division of domestic labor. In addition,
domestic chores would likely involve higher opportunity costs for better-educated women compared to
those with lesser education. In this sense we would also expect higher education to be associated with
more equal sharing of domestic chores with husbands based on the resource exchange perspective.
Finally, having someone other than a spouse mainly doing the chore presumably reduces the extent to
which a husband will need to participate in a substantial way.
We employ logistic regression to assess whether husbands' contributions to each of the specific chores
during the early stages of marriage differ across cohorts after taking into account the covariates
7
mentioned above. The dependent variable is coded 1 if the husband does some or a lot of the specified
domestic chore and 0 if not. We also include a summary measure that is coded 1 if the husband does some
or a lot of any of the six chores. Reference categories for the covariates are as follows: being a member
of the first (1963-71) marriage cohort, being male, residing in an urban area, less than 12 years education
for the wife, and someone other than a spouse not being the main chore doer. Regression results are
shown as odds ratios. Values above 1 indicate the particular category is associated with higher chances
than the reference category that the husband helps with the chore and values below 1 indicate the
opposite.
The results show that at the early stage of marriage, the most recent marriage cohort is associated with
odds ratios above 1 for all six chores. However, only in the case of managing the household and the
summary measure indicating whether the husband contributed some or a lot of to any of the chores are the
results statistically significant. For all variables, the odds ratios are below one and highly statistically
significant when a woman rather than a man is the respondent. Living in a rural area is associated with
lower contributions by husbands to all of the chores except budget management and for all the remaining
except buying food, the results are statistically significant. The odds ratios associated with cases in which
the wife has a high education are modestly above 1 for all specific chores except budget management but
for none are they statistically significant. Moreover, the summary measure indicates no difference in
husbands’ contribution when the wife has a high education versus when she does not. The lowest odds
ratios are associated with cases in which someone other than a spouse mainly does the chore and in all
cases the ratios are highly statistically significant.
The overall picture provided by our survey of gender roles in domestic chores is not one of substantial
change over time. Clearly wives do the large share of the numerous chores considered. In particular,
there does not appear to be any clear evidence of a major shift associated with doi moi and the greater
opening to the West towards a more egalitarian sharing of responsibility for the everyday tasks needed to
maintain household functioning. At the same time, there does not appear to be an increase in gender
inequality in domestic chores associated with doi moi, although the level of inequality is substantial for
all cohorts. The only task among those examined in which husbands in recent marriages appear to have
increased their participation is managing the budget, although this also still remains primarily the domain
of wives. We note, however, that this particular task is of a rather different nature than the other chores
for which information was collected in that it does not require physical activity to perform.

Kết quả (Việt) 1:

Bảng 2 trình bày ba các biện pháp của các bộ phận của lao động giữa chồng và vợ lúc bắt đầuhôn nhân, bởi cuộc hôn nhân khóa. Các biện pháp đầu tiên cho thấy các phần trăm báo cáo một trong hai mà các cặp vợ chồngchia sẻ các công việc nhà như nhau hoặc chồng là người chính làm các công việc nhà. Điều này chủ yếu là đo lườngphản ánh tình huống nơi các thắc nói rằng chồng và vợ chia sẻ trách nhiệm chính. Chỉ trongtương đối ít trường hợp thực hiện một báo cáo bị một nhiệm vụ được thực hiện chủ yếu là do người chồng. Vì lý do nàychúng tôi kết hợp hai loại khi xây dựng các biện pháp. Các kết quả cho các biện pháp này được dựa trênngười trả lời thông báo rằng trách nhiệm chính được thực hiện bởi ít nhất một thành viên của các cặp vợ chồng(tức là, người trả lời nói rằng ai đó khác hơn so với vợ hay chồng là người thực hiện chính của nhiệm vụloại trừ). Các biện pháp thứ hai và thứ ba được dựa trên các báo cáo của bao nhiêu người chồng và vợ mỗiđã làm nhiệm vụ cụ thể bất kể người thực hiện nhiệm vụ chính là ai. Cho rằng vợ có thêm rất nhiều khả năng hơnchồng để chơi một vai trò quan trọng trong làm những việc vặt, các biện pháp khác nhau được sử dụng để chỉ ra của họnhững đóng góp. Cho chồng, chúng tôi kiểm tra các phần trăm kết hợp báo cáo đã làm các công việc nhà một số hoặc mộtnhiều, trong khi đối với vợ, chúng tôi xem xét phần trăm báo cáo để làm công việc nhà này rất nhiều.Nhìn chung, các biện pháp ba được nhất quán trong gợi ý rằng ít thay đổi xuất hiện trong các thân nhântrách nhiệm của chồng và vợ liên quan đến việc vặt trong nước đang được kiểm tra trên bacohorts. Xu hướng chỉ đáng chú ý là một tăng sự tham gia của chồng trong việc quản lý cáchộ gia đình ngân sách. Không có xu hướng rõ ràng là hiển nhiên cho các việc vặt năm khác đang được kiểm tra. Trong duy nhất mộtcộng đồng thiểu số trường hợp làm chồng chia sẻ bình đẳng hoặc chịu trách nhiệm chính về làm bất kỳ của các quy địnhviệc vặt bất kể cuộc hôn nhân khóa. Các tỷ lệ cao của người trả lời cho thấy rằng người chồng đãcông việc cụ thể một số hoặc rất nhiều, mặc dù ngay cả theo này ít nghiêm ngặt đo chỉ là một cộng đồng thiểu sốchồng được báo cáo để đóng góp cho bất kỳ công việc nhà cụ thể. Cho tất cả ba cohorts vợ, rõ ràng đóng mộtvai trò rất quan trọng trong tất cả các nhiệm vụ. Một đa số đáng kể của người trả lời báo cáo rằng vợ đã làm mỗiviệc vặt cụ thể rất nhiều, mặc dù vợ của vai trò trong việc quản lý ngân sách quân mỗi hộ là hơi thấp hơnhơn cho các nhiệm vụ khác. Xu hướng ngày càng tăng chỉ định cho đóng góp của chồng để bất cứ công việcchủ yếu thúc đẩy bởi sự gia tăng trong những đóng góp của chồng để quản lý ngân sách gia đình. Khi điều này làloại trừ, gia tăng phần trăm đóng góp cho bất kỳ công việc giữa một đội quân đầu tiên và thứ haibiến mất và sự gia tăng giữa một đội quân thứ hai và gần đây nhất là đáng chú ý giảm.Bảng 3 đánh giá khóa khác biệt trong sự phân chia lao động giữa vợ và chồng trong nướcchores at the early stages of marriage within a multivariate framework. Besides marriage cohort, thecovariates included relate to gender of the respondent, place of residence, wife’s education and whether ornot someone other than the couple is mainly responsible for the task. We include gender of respondentsince our bivariate analysis showed it is strongly associated with the assessed level of one’s own andone’s spouse’s contribution. The choice of place of residence and wife’s education is based in part on thetheoretical perspectives reviewed earlier. In relation to the ideological perspective, we assume that livingin a rural area will be associated with more conservative attitudes and thus less equality in the division ofdomestic labor (i.e., decreasing the likelihood that the husband helps in domestic chores). We assumehigher education, especially on the part of the wife, will be associated with more liberal attitudes towardswomen's roles in the household and thus to greater equality in the division of domestic labor. In addition,domestic chores would likely involve higher opportunity costs for better-educated women compared tothose with lesser education. In this sense we would also expect higher education to be associated withmore equal sharing of domestic chores with husbands based on the resource exchange perspective.Finally, having someone other than a spouse mainly doing the chore presumably reduces the extent towhich a husband will need to participate in a substantial way.We employ logistic regression to assess whether husbands' contributions to each of the specific choresduring the early stages of marriage differ across cohorts after taking into account the covariates 7mentioned above. The dependent variable is coded 1 if the husband does some or a lot of the specifieddomestic chore and 0 if not. We also include a summary measure that is coded 1 if the husband does someor a lot of any of the six chores. Reference categories for the covariates are as follows: being a memberof the first (1963-71) marriage cohort, being male, residing in an urban area, less than 12 years educationfor the wife, and someone other than a spouse not being the main chore doer. Regression results areshown as odds ratios. Values above 1 indicate the particular category is associated with higher chancesthan the reference category that the husband helps with the chore and values below 1 indicate theopposite.The results show that at the early stage of marriage, the most recent marriage cohort is associated withodds ratios above 1 for all six chores. However, only in the case of managing the household and thesummary measure indicating whether the husband contributed some or a lot of to any of the chores are theresults statistically significant. For all variables, the odds ratios are below one and highly statisticallysignificant when a woman rather than a man is the respondent. Living in a rural area is associated withlower contributions by husbands to all of the chores except budget management and for all the remainingexcept buying food, the results are statistically significant. The odds ratios associated with cases in whichthe wife has a high education are modestly above 1 for all specific chores except budget management butfor none are they statistically significant. Moreover, the summary measure indicates no difference inhusbands’ contribution when the wife has a high education versus when she does not. The lowest oddsratios are associated with cases in which someone other than a spouse mainly does the chore and in allcases the ratios are highly statistically significant.The overall picture provided by our survey of gender roles in domestic chores is not one of substantialchange over time. Clearly wives do the large share of the numerous chores considered. In particular,there does not appear to be any clear evidence of a major shift associated with doi moi and the greateropening to the West towards a more egalitarian sharing of responsibility for the everyday tasks needed tomaintain household functioning. At the same time, there does not appear to be an increase in genderinequality in domestic chores associated with doi moi, although the level of inequality is substantial forall cohorts. The only task among those examined in which husbands in recent marriages appear to haveincreased their participation is managing the budget, although this also still remains primarily the domain
of wives. We note, however, that this particular task is of a rather different nature than the other chores
for which information was collected in that it does not require physical activity to perform.