2It is crucial that we understand the database from which a theory is constructed. For instance, in much ofAmerican academic psychology most research projects are undertaken with college and university students.While this database has provided much important information, it is important to note that the age group isrelatively restricted and that there is limited racial, ethnic, and class diversity and that, in many universitiesand colleges, the student population is restricted to people from a particular region or state.Pastoral Psychol (2012) 61:879–894 883Joel Allison conducted a comparative study of 20 male Protestant seminary students. Hecompared seven who had had intense religious conversions, seven who had had mildconversion, and six who had had no conversion experience at all. He found that almostwithout exception those who converted had had absent, weak, or alcoholic fathers. Thosewho did not convert came from intact families. He theorized that conversion for the firstgroup was adaptive and growth-producing; they were able to move away from dependenceupon and enmeshment with the mother by identifying with strong father figures, namelyGod and Jesus. Allison’s is one of the few psychoanalytically oriented studies to view theadaptive element of conversion as constructive (Allison1966, 1968, 1969).The most recent and substantial empirical research in the psychology of conversion hasbeen generated by Lee Kirkpatrick and various colleagues (Kirkpatrick1992, 1995, 1997,2005; Kirkpatrick and Shaver 1990) Guided by a nuanced appropriation of attachmenttheory, Kirkpatrick has provided the field with one of the most sophisticated and sustainedapproaches to conversion in the last 20 years.Ullman, Allison, and Kirkpatrick provide us with excellent models for how to docomprehensive, comparative research among adult populations in order to provide a moreaccurate empirical picture of religious and spiritual change.
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