The struggles on the labour front w

The struggles on the labour front were supplemented by an intensification of class struggle in many areas. The upsurge against imperialism in the colonial world during the war, led to the revival of Pan-Africanism in Africa, Europe and the U.S.A. These events were to have a profound effect on the liberation movement, as well as on Gomas's perceptions. By 1945 political alignments had become more defined: groups and organisations had clarified their attitude' and leaders had assumed their roles and taken up their positions. At one end of the political spectrum were the ANC and its allies-to-be and at the other end the alliance of the AAC and the Anti-CAD which had united to form the NEUM, around a Ten Point Programme. Between the two opposing positions were the Youth in the ANC, the Africanists who were distinguished from the 'old guard' by their insistence on militant action. After the formation of the Congress Alliance the distinctions became more profound, centering around the role of 'democratic whites' in the struggle, an issue which led to the breakaway of the Africanists who formed the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) in 1959.

Gomas's position in the 1940s seems to have been less clear-cut. The tension between him and his Party never led to the logical conclusion; his resignation or expulsion. He remained a party member until the CPSA dissolved in 1950, even though his role in the 1940s was limited to that of supporting one or other party candidate for an election. Reasons given for the continuation of this 'love-hate' relationship, in oral testimonies, range from his "enslavement to Stalinism" to his personal popularity with large audiences. The tension must have been increased because of the close relationship Gomas developed with the NEUM leadership. He recognised the NEUM as the crystallisation of a trend set by the AAC and the NLL, structures calling for unity of the oppressed, in which he had played such a central role. In this the NEUM represented one of his most cherished ideals; and he had no qualms about identifying with the Ten Point Programme (TPP). He could embrace its principles, but the seeming 'phrase-mongering' and lack of concrete mass action, as well as its aloofness from the trade union movement placed a distance between him and that organisation.

The NEUM took as its point of departure the struggle in South Africa as being one for the extension of bourgeois democratic rights to the oppressed non-Europeans. Hence its Ten Point Programme was a classical bourgeois democratic programme. This programme was to be realised through mobilising the oppressed people, educating them politically to understand that petty reforms were a cul-de-sac; that only by demanding their rights as enshrined in the Ten Point Programme would they get closer to liberation. The programme of minimum demands set out by the Ten Point Programme was designed to unite the broadest possible spectrum of blacks. This aim accounted for the intentionally bourgeois nature of the document which contained the following minimum demands:
1. The franchise - the right of every man and woman over the age of 21 to elect and be elected to Parliament, Provincial Councils and all other Divisional and Municipal Councils.
2. Compulsory, free and uniform education for all children up to the age of 16, with free meals, free books and school equipment for the needy.
3. Inviolability of person, of one's house and privacy.
4. Freedom of speech, press, meetings and association.
5. Freedom of movement and occupation.
6 Full equality of rights for all citizens without distinction of race, colour or sex.
7. Revision of the land question in accordance with the above.
8. Revision of the civil and criminal code in accordance with the above.
9. Revision of the system of taxation in accordance with the above.
10. Revision of the labour legislation and its application to the mines and agriculture.

At the second national Anti-CAD Conference in Cape Town in January 1944, the Ten Point Programme was endorsed and a unity campaign was launched in the Western Cape. A few weeks before this conference Gomas was again on the rostrum of a NEF meeting at which he launched a scathing attacks on the "privileged position" of teachers. This was done within the context of the announcement of new salary scales for coloured teachers due to be implemented in January 1944. The new salary scales raised coloured teachers' salaries from about 45 percent to 70 percent of those of white teachers with equivalent qualifications. Gomas warned about the dangers of the scheme since it would divorce and alienate teachers from the masses. The warning was especially poignant in the light of the "leading role" in the liberation struggle teachers in the NEUM were playing. Added to this was the NEUM leadership's seeming 'phrase mongering', the lack of concrete mass action, as well as its aloofness from the trade union movement. All these weaknesses in the NEUM placed a distance between that organisation and Gomas.

From 1945 his own Party represented a trend, diametrically opposed to all the ideals Gomas had attempted to realise since 1929 and which centred on the pivotal role of the working class and of the black petty bourgeoisie. The CPSA had become white again and against the NEUM's non-collaborationist stance, the Party's active support of and participation in the system of representation of blacks by white MPs was completely unacceptable to Gomas. "He hated the system of representation by whites", according to people who knew him yet he kept on appearing on public platforms, pledging support for CPSA candidates in elections for members for the Senate. The CPSA's insistence that the salvation of the oppressed lay in a victory of the two sections of the working class, as represented by itself and the SALP, seemed out of step with the developments of the previous decade. The national line propagated by the NEUM and the nationalism advocated by the Youth in the ANC made the CPSA appear rather like the proverbial ostrich. In September 1945, Luke Ngotlo wrote an article on behalf of the CPSA, condemning the nationalism of the Youth as "outdated" at a time when it was just beginning to take root. These nationalists challenged the 'old guard' of the ANC and they were instrumental in formulating the Programme of Action in 1949 which proposed more active resistance through boycott, strike, civil disobedience and non co-operation with government plans and institutions. The Programme of Action represented a definite break with the previously accepted methods of resistance in the ANC.

The years during the war and the anti-imperialist movement especially in Asia, as well as the independence movements in Africa had contributed much to an upsurge of nationalism among oppressed. On May 19, 1943 Ben Kies, one of the founders of the NEUM, had delivered an address to the National Anti-CAD conference. The address was entitled 'The Background of Segregation'. The focus of his speech was on the unity of all Indians, Africans and coloureds, a unity which was based on a common oppression. Gomas, like many political leaders and militants, knew that the oppression could only be fought jointly, yet popular organisations still concentrated on their own particular caste groups:


ANC, Natal Indian Congress, Transvaal Indian Congress and later the South African Coloured People's Organisation and the Congress of Democrats. A united, single, national liberation movement was impossible under such conditions.

Gomas fully supported the national line propagated by the NEUM. He also identified himself with the nationalism preached by the Youth League, although as a Party member he did not publicly do so. But he did not perceive the slightest contradiction in preaching black unity, as a Party member. In pursuit of his goal of black unity Gomas launched scathing attacks on "those whose task it is to cause disruption and disunity in the ranks of the oppressed to suit the interests of their master". One of the objects of his attacks had been the Coloured People's National Union (CPNU), an organisation brought into being to propagate the Coloured Advisory Council and to counteract the Anti-CAD Movement. Slamming the "racial propaganda of the undemocratically minded racist Christian gentlemen", he exposed the CPNU as a brake on progress which further divided the ranks of the oppressed, when they, via the pages of The Sun, opposed the presence of the African workers in the cities.

Here we see an acrimonious incitement of hostility between Coloured and African people. No blame is attached to the government and the ruling class for the fact that thousands of surplus African workers are present in the Cape, or that many employers see in the African worker a more profitable object of exploitation by virtue of enforced disabilities. We do not see that they have anything to say against the policy of displacing coloured workers by white in skilled jobs, and the influx of whites which is daily taking place. Setting the record straight, Gomas went on to quote the facts:

Thousands of African workers were induced to come, and welcomed to the Cape, for military constructions and other industries necessitated by the war. Because of the fact that the Africans are deprived of adequate land in the reserves, are subjected to innumerable forms of oppression - the Urban Areas Act, Poll Tax, Master and Servants Act, etc. - are they compelled to move from pillar to post in search of a living. It is a deliberate policy of the government to keep the mass of Native people dispossessed of land and in poverty and ignorance, as a means of cheap labour for the mines, farmers, industrial employers and Government.

These facts, Gomas stated, were not known by the CPNU racists who were "... as stupid and morbid-minded as the type of politician that rules this country".

The Smuts government had reason to be morbid. Reacting to the rising cost of livi

Kết quả (Việt) 1:

Cuộc đấu tranh trên mặt trận lao động đã được bổ sung bằng cách tăng cường lớp đấu tranh trong nhiều lĩnh vực. Đấm chống lại chủ nghĩa đế quốc thuộc địa trên thế giới trong cuộc chiến tranh, đã dẫn đến sự hồi sinh của Pan-Africanism ở châu Phi, Europe và Mỹ Những sự kiện này đã có một ảnh hưởng sâu sắc về phong trào giải phóng, cũng như về nhận thức của Gomas. Năm 1945 sắp xếp chính trị đã trở thành định nghĩa hơn: nhóm và tổ chức có làm rõ Thái độ của họ ' và nhà lãnh đạo đã giả định vai trò của họ và đưa lên vị trí của họ. Tại một đầu của quang phổ chính trị là ANC, các đồng minh để và ở cuối khác liên minh của AAC và CAD chống mà đã thống nhất để lập NEUM, xung quanh một chương trình mười điểm. Giữa hai vị trí đối lập đã là thanh thiếu niên trong ANC, những người toàn Phi đã phân biệt từ 'old guard' bởi khăng khăng của họ trên hành động du kích. Sau sự hình thành của liên minh Đại hội các sự phân biệt trở thành sâu sắc hơn, tập trung xung quanh vai trò của 'dân chủ trắng' trong cuộc đấu tranh, một vấn đề mà dẫn đến breakaway những người toàn phi người thành lập Quốc hội ly Pan (PAC) vào năm 1959.Gomas's position in the 1940s seems to have been less clear-cut. The tension between him and his Party never led to the logical conclusion; his resignation or expulsion. He remained a party member until the CPSA dissolved in 1950, even though his role in the 1940s was limited to that of supporting one or other party candidate for an election. Reasons given for the continuation of this 'love-hate' relationship, in oral testimonies, range from his "enslavement to Stalinism" to his personal popularity with large audiences. The tension must have been increased because of the close relationship Gomas developed with the NEUM leadership. He recognised the NEUM as the crystallisation of a trend set by the AAC and the NLL, structures calling for unity of the oppressed, in which he had played such a central role. In this the NEUM represented one of his most cherished ideals; and he had no qualms about identifying with the Ten Point Programme (TPP). He could embrace its principles, but the seeming 'phrase-mongering' and lack of concrete mass action, as well as its aloofness from the trade union movement placed a distance between him and that organisation.The NEUM took as its point of departure the struggle in South Africa as being one for the extension of bourgeois democratic rights to the oppressed non-Europeans. Hence its Ten Point Programme was a classical bourgeois democratic programme. This programme was to be realised through mobilising the oppressed people, educating them politically to understand that petty reforms were a cul-de-sac; that only by demanding their rights as enshrined in the Ten Point Programme would they get closer to liberation. The programme of minimum demands set out by the Ten Point Programme was designed to unite the broadest possible spectrum of blacks. This aim accounted for the intentionally bourgeois nature of the document which contained the following minimum demands:1. The franchise - the right of every man and woman over the age of 21 to elect and be elected to Parliament, Provincial Councils and all other Divisional and Municipal Councils.2. Compulsory, free and uniform education for all children up to the age of 16, with free meals, free books and school equipment for the needy.3. Inviolability of person, of one's house and privacy.4. Freedom of speech, press, meetings and association.5. Freedom of movement and occupation.6 Full equality of rights for all citizens without distinction of race, colour or sex.7. Revision of the land question in accordance with the above.8. Revision of the civil and criminal code in accordance with the above.9. Revision of the system of taxation in accordance with the above.10. Revision of the labour legislation and its application to the mines and agriculture.At the second national Anti-CAD Conference in Cape Town in January 1944, the Ten Point Programme was endorsed and a unity campaign was launched in the Western Cape. A few weeks before this conference Gomas was again on the rostrum of a NEF meeting at which he launched a scathing attacks on the "privileged position" of teachers. This was done within the context of the announcement of new salary scales for coloured teachers due to be implemented in January 1944. The new salary scales raised coloured teachers' salaries from about 45 percent to 70 percent of those of white teachers with equivalent qualifications. Gomas warned about the dangers of the scheme since it would divorce and alienate teachers from the masses. The warning was especially poignant in the light of the "leading role" in the liberation struggle teachers in the NEUM were playing. Added to this was the NEUM leadership's seeming 'phrase mongering', the lack of concrete mass action, as well as its aloofness from the trade union movement. All these weaknesses in the NEUM placed a distance between that organisation and Gomas.From 1945 his own Party represented a trend, diametrically opposed to all the ideals Gomas had attempted to realise since 1929 and which centred on the pivotal role of the working class and of the black petty bourgeoisie. The CPSA had become white again and against the NEUM's non-collaborationist stance, the Party's active support of and participation in the system of representation of blacks by white MPs was completely unacceptable to Gomas. "He hated the system of representation by whites", according to people who knew him yet he kept on appearing on public platforms, pledging support for CPSA candidates in elections for members for the Senate. The CPSA's insistence that the salvation of the oppressed lay in a victory of the two sections of the working class, as represented by itself and the SALP, seemed out of step with the developments of the previous decade. The national line propagated by the NEUM and the nationalism advocated by the Youth in the ANC made the CPSA appear rather like the proverbial ostrich. In September 1945, Luke Ngotlo wrote an article on behalf of the CPSA, condemning the nationalism of the Youth as "outdated" at a time when it was just beginning to take root. These nationalists challenged the 'old guard' of the ANC and they were instrumental in formulating the Programme of Action in 1949 which proposed more active resistance through boycott, strike, civil disobedience and non co-operation with government plans and institutions. The Programme of Action represented a definite break with the previously accepted methods of resistance in the ANC.
The years during the war and the anti-imperialist movement especially in Asia, as well as the independence movements in Africa had contributed much to an upsurge of nationalism among oppressed. On May 19, 1943 Ben Kies, one of the founders of the NEUM, had delivered an address to the National Anti-CAD conference. The address was entitled 'The Background of Segregation'. The focus of his speech was on the unity of all Indians, Africans and coloureds, a unity which was based on a common oppression. Gomas, like many political leaders and militants, knew that the oppression could only be fought jointly, yet popular organisations still concentrated on their own particular caste groups:


ANC, Natal Indian Congress, Transvaal Indian Congress and later the South African Coloured People's Organisation and the Congress of Democrats. A united, single, national liberation movement was impossible under such conditions.

Gomas fully supported the national line propagated by the NEUM. He also identified himself with the nationalism preached by the Youth League, although as a Party member he did not publicly do so. But he did not perceive the slightest contradiction in preaching black unity, as a Party member. In pursuit of his goal of black unity Gomas launched scathing attacks on "those whose task it is to cause disruption and disunity in the ranks of the oppressed to suit the interests of their master". One of the objects of his attacks had been the Coloured People's National Union (CPNU), an organisation brought into being to propagate the Coloured Advisory Council and to counteract the Anti-CAD Movement. Slamming the "racial propaganda of the undemocratically minded racist Christian gentlemen", he exposed the CPNU as a brake on progress which further divided the ranks of the oppressed, when they, via the pages of The Sun, opposed the presence of the African workers in the cities.

Here we see an acrimonious incitement of hostility between Coloured and African people. No blame is attached to the government and the ruling class for the fact that thousands of surplus African workers are present in the Cape, or that many employers see in the African worker a more profitable object of exploitation by virtue of enforced disabilities. We do not see that they have anything to say against the policy of displacing coloured workers by white in skilled jobs, and the influx of whites which is daily taking place. Setting the record straight, Gomas went on to quote the facts:

Thousands of African workers were induced to come, and welcomed to the Cape, for military constructions and other industries necessitated by the war. Because of the fact that the Africans are deprived of adequate land in the reserves, are subjected to innumerable forms of oppression - the Urban Areas Act, Poll Tax, Master and Servants Act, etc. - are they compelled to move from pillar to post in search of a living. It is a deliberate policy of the government to keep the mass of Native people dispossessed of land and in poverty and ignorance, as a means of cheap labour for the mines, farmers, industrial employers and Government.

These facts, Gomas stated, were not known by the CPNU racists who were "... as stupid and morbid-minded as the type of politician that rules this country".

The Smuts government had reason to be morbid. Reacting to the rising cost of livi