In this article, Douglas Bourn aims

In this article, Douglas Bourn aims to outline current debates, recent research and policy initiatives in the United Kingdom (UK) on young people and their identity, particularly in relation to the impact of globalisation. It acknowledges the recent shifts in UK government policy statements relating to the importance for young people to understand and engage with issues concerning the wider world. It also points out that for young people to make sense of their identity and develop a sense of belonging, establishing the relationship between global processes and local experiences is critical. The article finally poses some challenges for ‘global youth work’, especially recognition of the importance of identity and the role of the individual in making sense of the global society in which young people are living.



Introduction and context



This article takes the increasingly global nature of society in the UK as the framework for reviewing current debates and research on young people’s identities. The rationale for this is that whilst globalisation is now recognised as a key factor influencing the lives of young people, there has been little debate in development education on the relationships between identity and living in a global society.

Giddens (1991) suggests that globalisation can be defined as ‘the intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa’. There is a wealth of literature on globalisation and identity, what it means and its impact on societies (Held & McGrew, 2003; Ray, 2007; Robertson, 1992; Tomlinson, 1999; Castells, 1996; Urry, 2003). However, it is suggested here, following Harvey (2003), that globalisation should primarily be regarded as being about the interdependence of societies on a world scale, about existing links and those that can be developed globally between individuals, communities, nations and organisations.

In the UK, like many western countries, globalisation is having a strong impact at social, economic and cultural levels; economic migration for example is spurring rapid social changes. These changes are also often linked to the ambiguity about identity and sense of place in the world. Debates about identity in response to political devolution, increase in economic migration, global terrorism and the impact of the consumer culture have led to UK politicians, for example, promoting the need for a major debate on Britishness which has become linked to citizenship.

Young people are most directly affected by globalisation and therefore central to current debates on identity. They are experiencing globalisation on an everyday basis through employment patterns, the friendship groups they develop, their usage of the internet (particularly for social networking) and wider cultural influences on their lifestyles (Kenway & Bullen, 2008; Edwards & Usher, 2008; Burbules & Torres, 2000). They are surrounded by a ‘dizzying array of signs and symbolic resources dislodged from traditional moorings’, are the main targets of global consumer cultures and are increasingly targeted with messages concerning global social problems (Dolby & Rizvi, 2008).

The Ajegbo report on Diversity and Citizenship: Curriculum Review states that ‘everyone’s lives are shaped by the forces of globalisation, increased migration, and greater social pluralism’ (Ajegbo et al., 2007:20) and goes on to outline how schools and the curriculum need to adapt to this multicultural society. The report was prompted by growing debates in UK society about the relationships between race, religion, culture and identities. It notes that many people they talked to ‘discussed the complexity of the world’ they live in and the ‘many identities that children inhabit’ (Ajegbo, 2007:16).

A report published by the Commission on Integration and Cohesion in June 2007, Our Shared Future, notes that the global is now local. Policies need to recognise the complex nature of communities and the ‘influence of global affairs on local communities’ that may lead to some feeling more isolated, whilst others might be more connected. Globalisation, the report notes, adds a new ‘layer of complexity’ to community cohesion’.

As Buonfino in a think piece for the Commission has commented:



“as travel becomes within the reach of most people and communication technologies enable people to be immersed in cultures located elsewhere, and to cultivate multiple identities, the question of belonging becomes more complex and more central to the debate on how we live together” (Buonfino, 2007:5).



The Commission, in recognising that the ‘global is now local’, noted three themes that reinforce this influence:



super diversity - migrants are now coming from all over the world to the UK and not just from places with which it has historical links;
multiple identities – drawn from across race, class, gender and generation;
trans-nationalism - a particular form of multiple identities developed as a result of globalisation and easy communications. ‘Transnationalism’ means that the UK is far more plugged in to events around the world and that cohesion in local areas can be affected by events in another country - the new ‘glocalism’ (ibid.:34-35).



Alongside the report are a series of more in-depth pieces of academic research that have been produced to explore notions of a sense of belonging and concepts of supra-diversity. Buonfino’s paper on Belonging in Contemporary Britain proposes a new frame of reference that goes beyond ‘top-down concepts of Britishness, diversity or multiculturalism’. Instead she takes a wider approach aimed at ‘unlocking the need for people to find recognition, comfort and feel at home around others where they live, where they work or where they interact’ (Buonfino, 2007:5).

She suggests that a sense of ‘belonging’ involves a different language and construction of thought than identity, culture and rights. Belonging is a basic frame of reference that relates to human need. It is complex and linked to a desire to be part of a community, a family, a group or a gang. ‘Belonging can connect people to others around them, as well as leading to a sense of being valued, recognised and listened to’ (ibid.:6).



Young people’s response to the challenges of living in a global society



Beck discusses the issue of young people living and growing up in a world of risk and uncertainty (Beck, 1992; 2000). For example, the workplace is no longer a place of permanence with bonds of identity and loyalty and sense of purpose. This uncertainty varies according to cultural and social contexts, leading to the question of whether many young people have the cultural and financial resources to offset the risks associated with these shifts towards a lack of stability in the workplace (Harvey, 2003).

Ray (2007) points out that globalisation creates increased hybridism and differentiation, and overall a more complex and fluid world. Living in a globalised world, he suggests, does not create homogeneity and polarisation but rather a creative and eclectic mix of identities. In the context of such a rapidly changing world, young people can find it difficult to construct social identities, particularly with regard to the nature of education, cultural influences and the needs of the labour market (Furlong & Cartmel, 2007).

The integration of global cultural influences into local identities can be seen within the UK, particularly through consumer culture. Consumption is a major force that socialises children and young people, with, for example, 75 per cent of 9-19 year olds having access to the internet and 80 per cent having use of a mobile phone (DCSF, 2007:29). Globalisation has also contributed to the expansion of the choices available to young people. But on what criteria and with what knowledge, skills and values base do young people make these choices?

There is a tendency, often re-enforced through opinion surveys involving young people, that considers the effects of globalisation to be unstoppable, and that it is a process young people react to rather than actively negotiate (Harvey, 2003; MORI, 1998). Linked to this is an assumption that young people are merely the passive recipients or vulnerable victims of global change. As Harvey (2003) has stated, ‘Young people cannot control the speed or direction of social change, but they can and do have a say in the effect such change has on their lives’.

Although young people are not powerless in respect to global change, their economic position is such that they are more vulnerable than many other social groups to the uncertainties and risks associated with economic and cultural globalisation. Conversely, as already mentioned, young people are often at the forefront of technological and cultural changes that might be associated with globalisation. Not surprisingly they are using the wide span of global media to express themselves.

Many young people have adopted a worldview in which the whole globe represents the key arena for social action (Mayo, 2005). They are frequently seen as being at the heart of campaigns such as Make Poverty History and that on climate change (Darnton, 2006; Micklem, 2006). However, as Ang (1990) argues, being active is not necessarily the same as being powerful, and this is particularly true in the context of globalisation. The rhetoric that might be associated with young people’s citizenship in a global community generally does not match the reality. Young people are in one sense citizens of a global culture but at the same time struggle for a sense of acceptance in the local societies in which they live. For youth, this is the ultimate parado