http://breakingnewsenglish.com/1505

http://breakingnewsenglish.com/1505/150513-laziness.html
Babies make husbands lazier

New research suggests that husbands do not do their fair share of work around the house. A study from the Ohio State University says that men who do an equal share of housework are a rare breed. Researchers looked at the lifestyles of 182 working couples who became first-time parents. Both partners worked roughly the same amount of hours in full-time jobs. The research team found that men did less housework after the baby was born, even though both mothers and fathers worked the same number of hours outside the home. During the first few weeks of parenthood, fathers did an average of five hours a week less housework, although they spent this time helping to look after the baby.
It is a different story for mothers. Becoming a parent added about 21 hours per week to the amount of work she did, even with her full-time job. Most of their extra work was spent looking after her baby. The researchers explained why new fathers did not keep up with the extra work after a child was born. They said that most men were simply unaware that the mother was doing so much more work. Another reason is that after a baby is born, fathers tend to follow what happened in their own homes when they were younger. They automatically accept and follow the 'traditional' roles of the mother looking after the baby and the father working, even though the mother is also working the same number of hours in her job.


Parenthood makes men even lazier, says studyhttp://www.smh.com.au/business/parenthood-makes-men-even-lazier-says-study-20150508-ggwxnr.html
This Mother's Day we've got some good news and some bad news on the domestic gender equality front.
Good news first: the discrepancy between the amount of time men and women spend on housework has been shrinking steadily since the 1960s. In 1965, according to Liana Sayer of the University of Maryland, the average American woman spent more than four hours a day on housework while the average man spent just over 30 minutes.
But, "women's daily housework dropped by one hour and 45 minutes between 1965 and 2012, falling from four hours a day to less than two-and-a half hours a day", Sayer writes. Over the same period, the amount of time men spend on housework tripled. That increase in men's work came primarily from increased time spent doing "core" household chores, like cooking, cleaning and laundry. Way to step up, guys!
Conversely, women's housework time fell primarily because more women joined the labour force over that same period: more time at work means less time on chores at home.
As Sayer says, "that's the glass half-full story". You could also look at it like this: women still did about 1.7 times as much housework as men in 2012. In other words, the average man would need to increase his housework output by 70 per cent to be as productive on chores as the average woman. This is a far cry from 1965 when women did 6.8 times as much work as men, but clearly there's still room for improvement.
Now, this isn't entirely because men are oppressive brutish beasts wishing to perpetuate domestic inequality. Sayer points to this finding: even when there's nobody around to pick up after them, men still don't spend a lot of time on housework. "In 2012 single women with no children reported doing almost twice as much cooking, cleaning, and laundry as single men with no children," she writes. In other words, men are simply more slovenly than women, and less averse to filth.
Another wrinkle in this narrative comes from Jill Yavorsky, Claire Kamp Dush and Sarah Schoppe-Sullivan at Ohio State University. In a paper just out, they observe that the birth of a child radically alters the housework dynamic within married couples.
"Gender disparities in the work of the family, including paid and unpaid work, were magnified across the transition to parenthood for the primarily highly educated dual-earner couples we studied," their paper says. "The women in these families experienced a large increase of 3 hours a day in their total work (not including child engagement) across the transition to parenthood, whereas men increased their total work by about 40 minutes a day."
Adding it all up - both paid work and unpaid housework, including childcare - the average man's work week was three hours longer than his partner's before birth, but after parenthood he worked 8.5 hours less than his partner. This is particularly interesting, given that this is a socio-economic cohort - wealthy and educated - that generally says equality of household labour is important in a relationship.
As the researchers note, inequalities of labour that develop in the months after a child's birth may have a tendency to linger long afterward, as husbands and wives get settled in their changed roles. So couples devoted to the ideal of domestic equality may want to address these inequalities before they become entrenched in a relationship.

Study: Men are lazy to their core
http://www.stwnewspress.com/cnhi_network/study-men-are-lazy-to-their-core/article_bbfd72ec-3be8-56e5-b4be-9f9bab767ed2.html
This Mother's Day we've got some good news and some bad news on the domestic gender equality front.
Good news first: the discrepancy between the amount of time men and women spend on housework has been shrinking steadily since the 1960s. In 1965, according to Liana Sayer of the University of Maryland, the average American woman spent over four hours a day on housework while the average man spent just over 30 minutes (!).
But, "women's daily housework dropped by one hour and 45 minutes between 1965 and 2012, falling from four hours a day to less than two-and-a half hours a day," Sayer writes. Over the same period, the amount of time men spend on housework tripled. That increase in men's work came primarily from increased time spent doing "core" household chores, like cooking, cleaning and laundry. Way to step up, guys!
Conversely, women's housework time fell primarily because more women joined the labor force over that same period: more time at work means less time on chores at home.
As Sayer says, "that's the glass half-full story." You could also look at it like this: women still did about 1.7 times as much housework as men in 2012. In other words, the average man would need to increase his housework output by 70 percent to be as productive on chores as the average woman. This is a far cry from 1965 when women did 6.8 times as much work as men, but clearly there's still room for improvement.
Now, this isn't entirely because men are oppressive brutish beasts wishing to perpetuate domestic inequality. Sayer points to this finding: even when there's nobody around to pick up after them, men still don't spend a lot of time on housework. "In 2012 single women with no children reported doing almost twice as much cooking, cleaning, and laundry as single men with no children," she writes. In other words, men are simply more slovenly than women, and less averse to filth.
Another wrinkle in this narrative comes from Jill Yavorsky, Claire Kamp Dush and Sarah J. Schoppe-Sullivan at Ohio State University. In a paper released Thursday, they observe that the birth of a child radically alters the housework dynamic within married couples: "Gender disparities in the work of the family, including paid and unpaid work, were magnified across the transition to parenthood for the primarily highly educated dual-earner couples we studied . . . The women in these families experienced a large increase of 3 hours a day in their total work (not including child engagement) across the transition to parenthood, whereas men increased their total work by about 40 minutes a day."
Adding it all up -- both paid work and unpaid housework, including childcare -- the average man's work week was three hours longer than his partner's before birth, but after parenthood he worked 8.5 hours less than his partner. This is particularly interesting, given that this is a socio-economic cohort -- wealthy and educated -- that generally says equality of household labor is important in a relationship.
As the researchers note, inequalities of labor that develop in the months after a child's birth may have a tendency to linger long afterward, as husbands and wives get settled in their changed roles. So couples devoted to the ideal of domestic equality may want to address these inequalities before they become entrenched in a relationship.


Dual-Earner Couples Share the Housework Equally – Until the First Baby Comes
http://www.theepochtimes.com//n3/1352264-dual-earner-couples-share-housework-equally-until-first-baby-comes/
As a tenured professor and mother of four young sons, I am constantly asked, “How do you do it?” What people mean is: “How can you have a full-time job and still manage child care and housework?”
I usually respond, “High-quality husband and high-quality child care, in that order.” From the outset, my husband, a full-time, clinical pharmacist, has been a committed partner in caring for our house and raising our children.
But I’ve learned that, with our equal division of housework and child care, he’s an outlier. There may be some like him, but our research group at The Ohio State University recently discovered that such husbands in dual-earner households are, indeed, rare.
Unequal Workloads
In our new study of 182 dual-earner couples who became parents for the first time, we found that fathers generally did less work around the home after their baby was born, and also became less involved in childcare than mothers. This was surprising given that both parents worked at their jobs about the same amount of hours.
Before their baby arrived, men and women in our study were both working roughly the same number of hours inside and outside the home. And after having a baby, they still worked the same number of hours at their jobs.
However, during the first weeks of parenthood, men cut back their housewor

Kết quả (Việt) 1:

http://breakingnewsenglish.com/1505/150513-laziness.htmlEm bé làm cho chồng lazierNghiên cứu mới cho thấy rằng chồng không làm chia sẻ công bằng của họ làm việc xung quanh nhà. Một nghiên cứu từ Đại học bang Ohio nói rằng người đàn ông đã làm một chia sẻ bình đẳng của nhà là một giống chó quý hiếm. Các nhà nghiên cứu đã xem xét lối sống của các cặp vợ chồng làm việc 182 người trở thành cha mẹ thời gian đầu tiên. Cả hai làm việc khoảng cùng một lượng giờ trong các công việc toàn thời gian. Nhóm nghiên cứu thấy rằng người đàn ông đã làm ít nhà sau khi em bé được sinh ra, mặc dù cả hai bà mẹ và người cha đã làm việc cùng một số giờ bên ngoài nhà. Trong vài tuần đầu tiên của cha mẹ, ông bố đã làm một là năm giờ một tuần ít nhà, mặc dù họ đã dành thời gian này giúp đỡ để chăm sóc em bé.Đó là một câu chuyện khác nhau cho các bà mẹ. Trở thành một phụ huynh thêm khoảng 21 giờ mỗi tuần vào số lượng công việc cô đã làm, thậm chí với công việc của cô toàn thời gian. Hầu hết các công việc phụ của họ đã được chi tiêu chăm sóc em bé của mình. Các nhà nghiên cứu giải thích tại sao các ông bố mới đã không theo kịp với các công việc phụ sau khi một đứa trẻ được sinh ra. Họ nói rằng hầu hết đàn ông đã được chỉ đơn giản là không biết rằng mẹ đã làm công việc nhiều hơn nữa. Một lý do là rằng sau khi một em bé được sinh ra, cha có xu hướng làm theo những gì đã xảy ra trong nhà riêng của họ khi họ còn trẻ. Họ tự động chấp nhận và thực hiện theo các vai trò 'truyền thống' của mẹ chăm sóc con và cha làm việc, mặc dù các bà mẹ cũng sẽ làm việc cùng một số giờ trong công việc của mình.Cha mẹ làm cho người đàn ông thậm chí lazier, nói studyhttp://www.smh.com.au/business/parenthood-makes-men-even-lazier-says-study-20150508-ggwxnr.htmlMẹ của ngày chúng tôi đã có một số tin tốt và tin xấu trên mặt trận bình đẳng giới tính trong nước.Tin tốt lành đầu tiên: sự khác biệt giữa số lượng thời gian người đàn ông và phụ nữ chi tiêu vào việc nhà đã thu hẹp dần từ thập niên 1960. Năm 1965, theo loại cây leo Sayer của đại học Maryland, phụ nữ người Mỹ trung bình chi tiêu nhiều hơn bốn giờ một ngày trên nhà trong khi người đàn ông trung bình dài 30 phút.Tuy nhiên, "nữ hàng ngày nhà bị bỏ bởi một giờ 45 phút từ năm 1965 đến năm 2012, rơi xuống từ bốn giờ một ngày để ít hơn hai-và-một nửa giờ một ngày", Sayer viết. So cùng kỳ, số lượng thời gian người chi tiêu vào việc nhà tăng gấp ba lần. Rằng sự gia tăng trong công việc của người đàn ông đến chủ yếu từ tăng thời gian làm "lõi" công việc nhà, giống như nấu ăn, làm sạch và Giặt ủi. Cách để bước lên, guys!Ngược lại, phụ nữ của nhà thời gian rơi chủ yếu bởi vì nhiều phụ nữ tham gia lực lượng lao động trong cùng thời gian đó: nhiều thời gian tại nơi làm việc có nghĩa là ít thời gian hơn vào việc vặt ở nhà.Như Sayer nói, "đó là kính nửa đầy đủ câu chuyện". Bạn cũng có thể nhìn vào nó như thế này: phụ nữ vẫn còn về cách 1.7 lần như nhiều nhà như nam giới vào năm 2012. Nói cách khác, người đàn ông trung bình sẽ cần phải tăng của ông nhà sản lượng bằng 70 phần trăm để như sản xuất trên việc vặt như phụ nữ trung bình. Đây là một khóc xa từ năm 1965 khi phụ nữ đã làm công việc 6.8 lần như nhiều như nam giới, nhưng rõ ràng vẫn còn chỗ cho cải tiến.Now, this isn't entirely because men are oppressive brutish beasts wishing to perpetuate domestic inequality. Sayer points to this finding: even when there's nobody around to pick up after them, men still don't spend a lot of time on housework. "In 2012 single women with no children reported doing almost twice as much cooking, cleaning, and laundry as single men with no children," she writes. In other words, men are simply more slovenly than women, and less averse to filth.Another wrinkle in this narrative comes from Jill Yavorsky, Claire Kamp Dush and Sarah Schoppe-Sullivan at Ohio State University. In a paper just out, they observe that the birth of a child radically alters the housework dynamic within married couples."Gender disparities in the work of the family, including paid and unpaid work, were magnified across the transition to parenthood for the primarily highly educated dual-earner couples we studied," their paper says. "The women in these families experienced a large increase of 3 hours a day in their total work (not including child engagement) across the transition to parenthood, whereas men increased their total work by about 40 minutes a day."Adding it all up - both paid work and unpaid housework, including childcare - the average man's work week was three hours longer than his partner's before birth, but after parenthood he worked 8.5 hours less than his partner. This is particularly interesting, given that this is a socio-economic cohort - wealthy and educated - that generally says equality of household labour is important in a relationship.As the researchers note, inequalities of labour that develop in the months after a child's birth may have a tendency to linger long afterward, as husbands and wives get settled in their changed roles. So couples devoted to the ideal of domestic equality may want to address these inequalities before they become entrenched in a relationship.Study: Men are lazy to their corehttp://www.stwnewspress.com/cnhi_network/study-men-are-lazy-to-their-core/article_bbfd72ec-3be8-56e5-b4be-9f9bab767ed2.htmlThis Mother's Day we've got some good news and some bad news on the domestic gender equality front.Good news first: the discrepancy between the amount of time men and women spend on housework has been shrinking steadily since the 1960s. In 1965, according to Liana Sayer of the University of Maryland, the average American woman spent over four hours a day on housework while the average man spent just over 30 minutes (!).But, "women's daily housework dropped by one hour and 45 minutes between 1965 and 2012, falling from four hours a day to less than two-and-a half hours a day," Sayer writes. Over the same period, the amount of time men spend on housework tripled. That increase in men's work came primarily from increased time spent doing "core" household chores, like cooking, cleaning and laundry. Way to step up, guys!Conversely, women's housework time fell primarily because more women joined the labor force over that same period: more time at work means less time on chores at home.As Sayer says, "that's the glass half-full story." You could also look at it like this: women still did about 1.7 times as much housework as men in 2012. In other words, the average man would need to increase his housework output by 70 percent to be as productive on chores as the average woman. This is a far cry from 1965 when women did 6.8 times as much work as men, but clearly there's still room for improvement.
Now, this isn't entirely because men are oppressive brutish beasts wishing to perpetuate domestic inequality. Sayer points to this finding: even when there's nobody around to pick up after them, men still don't spend a lot of time on housework. "In 2012 single women with no children reported doing almost twice as much cooking, cleaning, and laundry as single men with no children," she writes. In other words, men are simply more slovenly than women, and less averse to filth.
Another wrinkle in this narrative comes from Jill Yavorsky, Claire Kamp Dush and Sarah J. Schoppe-Sullivan at Ohio State University. In a paper released Thursday, they observe that the birth of a child radically alters the housework dynamic within married couples: "Gender disparities in the work of the family, including paid and unpaid work, were magnified across the transition to parenthood for the primarily highly educated dual-earner couples we studied . . . The women in these families experienced a large increase of 3 hours a day in their total work (not including child engagement) across the transition to parenthood, whereas men increased their total work by about 40 minutes a day."
Adding it all up -- both paid work and unpaid housework, including childcare -- the average man's work week was three hours longer than his partner's before birth, but after parenthood he worked 8.5 hours less than his partner. This is particularly interesting, given that this is a socio-economic cohort -- wealthy and educated -- that generally says equality of household labor is important in a relationship.
As the researchers note, inequalities of labor that develop in the months after a child's birth may have a tendency to linger long afterward, as husbands and wives get settled in their changed roles. So couples devoted to the ideal of domestic equality may want to address these inequalities before they become entrenched in a relationship.


Dual-Earner Couples Share the Housework Equally – Until the First Baby Comes
http://www.theepochtimes.com//n3/1352264-dual-earner-couples-share-housework-equally-until-first-baby-comes/
As a tenured professor and mother of four young sons, I am constantly asked, “How do you do it?” What people mean is: “How can you have a full-time job and still manage child care and housework?”
I usually respond, “High-quality husband and high-quality child care, in that order.” From the outset, my husband, a full-time, clinical pharmacist, has been a committed partner in caring for our house and raising our children.
But I’ve learned that, with our equal division of housework and child care, he’s an outlier. There may be some like him, but our research group at The Ohio State University recently discovered that such husbands in dual-earner households are, indeed, rare.
Unequal Workloads
In our new study of 182 dual-earner couples who became parents for the first time, we found that fathers generally did less work around the home after their baby was born, and also became less involved in childcare than mothers. This was surprising given that both parents worked at their jobs about the same amount of hours.
Before their baby arrived, men and women in our study were both working roughly the same number of hours inside and outside the home. And after having a baby, they still worked the same number of hours at their jobs.
However, during the first weeks of parenthood, men cut back their housewor