In 1939 Gomas became full-time secr

In 1939 Gomas became full-time secretary for the Tin Workers Union as well as for the Chemical Workers' Union. One of the shop stewards for the Chemical Workers' Union was Brevis, a good friend of Ray Alexander's. Probably her friendship with both Cornelia and Johnny Gomas led Ray to assume match-maker when she arranged for Gomas to accompany Cornelia to the Christmas party of the Chemical Workers' Union in 1939. Cornelia wistfully recalled what an impressive picture Gomas cut in one of the suits which not only earned him the reputation best tailor in Stirling Street", but most assuredly, the best tailor in District Six! On 16 February 1942 Gomas married youthful Cornelia, his junior by sixteen years. Despite her involvement in the affairs of a trade union, Gomas never discussed political or for that matter, trade union issues with his wife. Indeed she sadly remembered how isolated and excluded from his life she always felt. Gomas continued his primary interest and pre-occupation with political work, irrespective of any obligations to Cornelia.

It was Gomas, the political activist, who fought for the rights of workers in the trade union movement. Quite conscious of the fact that trade unions were dialectically both inimical to capital accumulation as well as being a component of the capitalist system, Gomas, in a letter to the South African Worker, stressed the important task of political training for trade unionists. He asserted that pure economistic trade unionism was not possible and unions must be overtly political. He listed the limitations in the existing trade union movement to be: lack of class consciousness; the little political knowledge that workers possessed; lack of politics in unions; and tie inevitable lamentation, no working class leadership.

Instead of fighting for improved living conditions, we follow a trade on leadership which is often strongly influenced by the ruling class, by the bosses and the government. We are satisfied with the policy of our official leaders, whose policy is 'no politics in the unions, no fight against the government's oppressive legislation' ... there can be no fight for better living and working conditions without fighting for political rights, for equality ... and for the unity of all workers, European and non-European.

As secretary of the Tin Workers Union (Cape) as well as the Chemical (later and Allied (1943)) Workers Union, he was always in the forefront of the fight for higher wages and improved working conditions; while at the same time fighting against national oppression.

At a meeting of the Tin Workers Union on March 24,1943, the 'Tin Workers were up in Arms' over the establishment of the Cape Coloured Permanent Commission (CCPC) and the proposed Coloured Affairs Department. The CCPC was an advisory body consisting of coloured representatives from all four provinces of South Africa. It was clearly an attempt by the government to placate demands by coloureds for political rights and economic advancement, without threatening the policy of white domination. The CCPC evoked much opposition. In a letter to the editor of the Cape Standard , Gomas reiterated the stance of the Union, expressing their strong resentment of "the dictatorial manner the CCPC was foisted on the people, without their approval as if they were children not knowing what is good for them". And further: "That this is an attempt on the part of the government to appease the pro-fascist and racialist elements in the country by effecting complete industrial, residential, social and political segregation of the Coloured people ... We pledge therefore, not only to strive to attain victory over the brute forces of Fascism abroad, but for victory over similar evil forces at home." It was his persistence with the political (ideological) struggle of workers in the unions, and the attendant implications, that finally led to the estrangement between himself and his Party. The People's Front Line adopted after 1935 led the CPSA to look for support among the petty bourgeois elements of whites and blacks. We have seen how Gomas, Kotane and others opposed this line, an opposition which led to Kotane's suspension. The outbreak of the war confirmed the CPSA's conviction that a fascist victory in Europe posed the most important danger. "How can we be interested in fighting Nazism thousands of miles away, while in reality we have a similar monster devouring us here daily?" Gomas queried his party's stance, in an article in Freedom.

By the end of 1940, Gomas was out of the Party hierarchy apparently having incurred the wrath of the majority of the leadership because of his "obsession with black leadership instead of class leadership". The accusation seems out of order; given the CPSA's own position. Indeed, it was moving, in a very real sense, to becoming a part of the 'establishment'. So seriously did it view its war support effort (especially after the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union) that it urged workers to apply all other forms of pressure" to obtain a satisfactory settlement while avoiding any stoppage of work" at a time when South Africa was hit by a wave of strikes by militant black workers. Between September and December 1942 no fewer than 19 strikes were recorded. Between 1940 and 1945, 52 394 black strikers accounted for the loss of 220 205 person days (or 4,2 per striker) as compared to 26 254 accounting for a loss of 71 078 person days (or 2,7 per striker) in the 1930s. With the increase in militancy, dwindling support for the CPSA was inevitable. By 1945 it had very few black members. But it persisted in the belief that the SALP and itself were the only two organisations representing the working class and it demonstrated this by voting Labourite Bill Andrews, chairperson of the CPSA in 1945. For Gomas it remained organisation (trade union and political), boycotts and strikes which

Kết quả (Việt) 1:

Năm 1939 Gomas trở thành bộ trưởng toàn thời gian cho Tin công nhân liên minh là tốt đối với liên minh các nhân hóa học. Một trong những stewards tặng cho liên minh hóa học nhân là Brevis, một người bạn tốt của Ray Alexander. Có lẽ tình bạn với Cornelia và Johnny Gomas dẫn Ray để cho trận đấu maker khi cô sắp xếp cho Gomas để đi cùng với Cornelia bên Giáng sinh của liên minh các nhân hóa học năm 1939. Cornelia wistfully nhớ lại những gì một hình ảnh ấn tượng Gomas cắt giảm trong một trong những bộ quần áo mà không chỉ kiếm được anh ta các thợ may tốt nhất danh tiếng ở Stirling Street", nhưng chắc chắn nhất, các thợ may tốt nhất trong huyện sáu! Ngày 16 tháng 2 năm 1942 Gomas kết hôn với Cornelia trẻ trung, ông junior bởi mười sáu tuổi. Mặc dù cô tham gia vào công việc của một công đoàn, Gomas không bao giờ thảo luận chính trị hoặc cho rằng vấn đề, công đoàn các vấn đề với vợ. Thật vậy nó thật đáng buồn nhớ làm thế nào bị cô lập và bị loại trừ từ cuộc sống của mình, cô luôn luôn cảm thấy. Gomas tiếp tục quan tâm chính của mình và chiếm đóng trước với công việc chính trị, không phân biệt bất kỳ nghĩa vụ nào để Cornelia.Nó đã là Gomas, nhà hoạt động chính trị, người đã chiến đấu cho quyền lợi của người lao động trong phong trào công đoàn. Khá có ý thức về thực tế là liên đoàn thương mại đã dialectically cả hai ác để tích lũy vốn cũng như là một thành phần của hệ thống tư bản, Gomas, trong một bức thư cho nhân viên Nam Phi, nhấn mạnh nhiệm vụ quan trọng của đào tạo chính trị cho đoàn viên thương mại. Ông khẳng định rằng tinh khiết economistic thương mại unionism là không khả thi và công đoàn phải công khai chính trị. Ông liệt kê những hạn chế trong phong trào công đoàn thương mại sẵn có là: thiếu ý thức lớp; ít kiến thức chính trị rằng công nhân sở hữu; thiếu của chính trị trong công đoàn; và buộc sầu không thể tránh khỏi, không có lãnh đạo giai cấp công nhân.Thay vì chiến đấu cho sống được cải thiện, chúng tôi làm theo một nghề vào lãnh đạo mạnh mẽ thường chịu ảnh hưởng của lớp cầm quyền, các ông chủ và chính phủ. Chúng tôi rất hài lòng với chính sách của các nhà lãnh đạo chính thức, mà chính sách là 'không chính trị trong các đoàn thể, không có chiến đấu chống lại Pháp luật áp bức của chính phủ'... có thể không có chiến đấu cho cuộc sống tốt hơn và điều kiện làm việc mà không chiến đấu cho quyền lợi chính trị, cho sự bình đẳng... và cho sự thống nhất của tất cả các công nhân, Châu Âu và phòng không Châu Âu.Thư ký của công nhân thiếc Union (Cape) cũng như các hóa chất (sau đó và đồng minh (1943)) công nhân công đoàn, ông đã luôn luôn luôn đi đầu trong cuộc đấu tranh cho mức lương cao hơn và cải thiện điều kiện làm việc; trong khi tại cùng một thời gian chiến đấu chống lại quốc gia áp bức.At a meeting of the Tin Workers Union on March 24,1943, the 'Tin Workers were up in Arms' over the establishment of the Cape Coloured Permanent Commission (CCPC) and the proposed Coloured Affairs Department. The CCPC was an advisory body consisting of coloured representatives from all four provinces of South Africa. It was clearly an attempt by the government to placate demands by coloureds for political rights and economic advancement, without threatening the policy of white domination. The CCPC evoked much opposition. In a letter to the editor of the Cape Standard , Gomas reiterated the stance of the Union, expressing their strong resentment of "the dictatorial manner the CCPC was foisted on the people, without their approval as if they were children not knowing what is good for them". And further: "That this is an attempt on the part of the government to appease the pro-fascist and racialist elements in the country by effecting complete industrial, residential, social and political segregation of the Coloured people ... We pledge therefore, not only to strive to attain victory over the brute forces of Fascism abroad, but for victory over similar evil forces at home." It was his persistence with the political (ideological) struggle of workers in the unions, and the attendant implications, that finally led to the estrangement between himself and his Party. The People's Front Line adopted after 1935 led the CPSA to look for support among the petty bourgeois elements of whites and blacks. We have seen how Gomas, Kotane and others opposed this line, an opposition which led to Kotane's suspension. The outbreak of the war confirmed the CPSA's conviction that a fascist victory in Europe posed the most important danger. "How can we be interested in fighting Nazism thousands of miles away, while in reality we have a similar monster devouring us here daily?" Gomas queried his party's stance, in an article in Freedom.By the end of 1940, Gomas was out of the Party hierarchy apparently having incurred the wrath of the majority of the leadership because of his "obsession with black leadership instead of class leadership". The accusation seems out of order; given the CPSA's own position. Indeed, it was moving, in a very real sense, to becoming a part of the 'establishment'. So seriously did it view its war support effort (especially after the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union) that it urged workers to apply all other forms of pressure" to obtain a satisfactory settlement while avoiding any stoppage of work" at a time when South Africa was hit by a wave of strikes by militant black workers. Between September and December 1942 no fewer than 19 strikes were recorded. Between 1940 and 1945, 52 394 black strikers accounted for the loss of 220 205 person days (or 4,2 per striker) as compared to 26 254 accounting for a loss of 71 078 person days (or 2,7 per striker) in the 1930s. With the increase in militancy, dwindling support for the CPSA was inevitable. By 1945 it had very few black members. But it persisted in the belief that the SALP and itself were the only two organisations representing the working class and it demonstrated this by voting Labourite Bill Andrews, chairperson of the CPSA in 1945. For Gomas it remained organisation (trade union and political), boycotts and strikes which