100:00:04,994 --> 00:00:08,304NARRA

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NARRATOR: Kosutnjak Park,
outside the Serbian capital, Belgrade.

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In May 1914, a Bosnian student, Gavrilo Princip,

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came here with a Browning pistol

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for some target practice.

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Princip was 19 years old

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According to his instructor,
he was not a very good shot.

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Other students were much more confident

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Whenever Princip missed the target
people standing around would laugh at him

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That would drive him to tears

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Out of sight in the forest, he had
a chance to get his eye in, shooting at trees.

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His ultimate goal was far more ambitious.

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PRINCIP:
I am an adherent of the radical anarchist idea

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which aims at destroying the present system
through terrorim

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In 1914, Princip's wish was granted.

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The First World War began almost by accident.

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It ended just as strangely.

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In between, it was more destructive
than any war had ever been.

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More British, French and Italian soldiers died
in the First World War than died in the Second.

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It was the first genuinely global conflict, fought
not just on the fields of France and Flanders,

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but up mountains, across deserts,
at sea and in the air.

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The First World War shaped the 20th century.

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It sparked the Russian Revolution.

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It launched America as a world power.

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The fault lines from its failed peace settlement

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led the world to a second terrible war
barely 20 years later,

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then to the Cold War.

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But the ideas the men of 1914 fought for

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still shape our world today:

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nationalism and democracy, the rule
of international law, and the rights of nations.

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Now, after the collapse of Communism,

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the European map resembles the one
redrawn by the First World War.

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We live with its unresolved,
bitter consequences:

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in the Middle East and the Balkans.

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And it was in the Balkans that it all began,
nearly a hundred years ago.

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At the start of the 20th century, as at its close,

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the Balkans
were the most unstable part of Europe.

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Here, three great empires
fought for power and influence:

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the Austro-Hungarian,
the Russian and the Ottoman.

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For hundreds of years,
the Ottoman Turks had the upper hand.

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Serbia, Bosnia, Albania,
were under their control.

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They built over 80 mosques
in Serbian Belgrade.

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But by the 1900s, only this one was left.

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Serbia had thrown the Turks out and
set herself up as an independent Slav kingdom.

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(Chanting)

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But right on Serbia's border was
an even greater challenge to Slav nationalism:

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the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

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The old Turks of the south have gone

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But new enemies come from the north

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more fearsome and dangerous than the old

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They want to take our freedom
and our language from us and crush us

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Gavrilo Princip
was born in a poor, mountainous part of Bosnia.

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His house was destroyed
in the Balkan wars of the 1990s.

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His initials, carved in 1909,
are one of the few signs he ever lived here.

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The year before,

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control of Bosnia had been wrested
from the Turks by the Austro-Hungarians,

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the enemy Princip wanted to destroy.

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His particular target was the heir
to the Austro-Hungarian throne,

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Franz Ferdinand,
member of the ruling family, the Hapsburgs.

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That extraordinary empire known
as the Austrian-Hungarian Dual Monarchy

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is less an empire or a kingdom or a state

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than the personal property of the Hapsburgs

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whose hereditary talent for the acquisition of
land is recorded on the map of Europe today

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The Empire was ruled
by Franz Ferdinand's uncle, Franz Joseph.

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He sat on two thrones,

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as Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary.

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By 1914, he'd been in charge for 66 years.

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He'd spent them
trying to resist change of any kind.

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Hardly ever seen out of military uniform,
he hated the idea of political reform.

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As he told US President Theodore Roosevelt,

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You see in me the last European monarch
of the old school

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Austria-Hungary
was a key part of European security,

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a multi-national empire
keeping the peace on the borders of the West.

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The capital, Vienna, was one
of the great cosmopolitan centres of Europe.

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This was the Empire that produced Freud
and Mahler, Schiele, Kafka and Strauss.

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It contained at least ten different nationalities.

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Not just Austrians and Hungarians,
but Czechs, Slovaks,

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Poles, Romanians, Italians,
Croats and Bosnians.

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A guide was prepared
by the British Foreign Office,

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to help work out who was who.

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Teutons anti-Slav vigorous and unpleasant

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manly and patriotic very tall big noses

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Slovaks Ignorant but artitic

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Ruthenes savage and ignorant but musical

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Czechs energetic forceful intensely national

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But it was also an empire
in a state of constant crisis.

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Pols all for Polish independence

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Bosnian Serbs Pro-Yugoslav

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Italians anti-Austrian

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In all the Empire, only the Hungarians
and Austrians had any real power,

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and the Hungarians
refused to share it with the rest.

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For countries like Serbia,
Austria-Hungary was the prison of nations,

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a repressive, undemocratic state,
that ground small peoples under its heel.

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In 1905,
there were nationalist demonstrations in Vienna.

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In 1912, there was rioting in Budapest.

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By 1914, there had been ethnic unrest in nearly
every part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

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Local parliaments were suspended,
troops brought in to restore order.

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Austria-Hungary's domestic problems
gave opportunities to her enemies.

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Serbia wanted the break-up of the Empire.

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She welcomed national unrest,
particularly in Croatia and Bosnia.

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Backed by Slav Russia, Serbia saw herself
as the only independent hope

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for Slavs living under foreign rule in the Balkans.

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She wanted to unite them
into a single South Slav state: Yugoslavia.

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Dragutin Dimitrijevic
was an officer in the Serbian Army.

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He opposed any kind of friendship with Austria.

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DIMTRIJEVIC:
The blind surrender to Austria's embrace

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was a most shameful betrayal
of Serbian traditions

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I realised that Serbia must in full measure
become the leader not only of Serbs

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but of Yugoslavia

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Dimitrijevic believed
killing kings could bring political change.

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It had worked for him in the past.

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In 1903 he led a palace revolution,
killing the old King of Serbia,

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who was too close to Austria
for the army's liking,

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