Not surprisingly,the religions supp

Not surprisingly,

the religions supported by the merchants, pre-eminently Buddhism and

Jainism, saw their heyday during these centuries. However, this is not to

suggest that economic activity was limited to trade, or that agriculture had

*45

EARLY INDIA

decreased; the latter continued to yield revenue. But the more dramatic rise

was in mercantile activity.

Agricultural enterprise was not only ongoing in areas already under

cultivation, but more forest and wasteland was being ploughed. Even stray

statements such as that in the Dharma-shastra of Manu, that the land

belongs to him who first cultivates it, are pointers to this. Such a comment

also reflects on the question of ownership that became important with an

increase in privately owned lands. Tenures varied with agricultural practices

and needs, so there is a frequent mention of taxes. Gahapatis, generally the

larger landowners, are met with in votive inscriptions as donors to the

Sangha. Donations can be the context to transactions involving land. Land

was granted to Buddhist monasteries and to brahmans, although as yet

on a relatively small scale. It is a hint of what was to come. However,

state-supervised agriculture as suggested in the Arthashastra finds less

reflection in the sources, which tend to reiterate the private ownership of

land. Even if the more impressive finds from archaeology relate to trade,

agriculture was obviously a substantial source of revenue.

The importance of land revenue is also partly determined by the varieties

of irrigation systems. States continued to maintain earlier canals and dams:

the dam on the Sudarshana lake was repaired; and the canal built by the

Nandas in Kalinga is noteworthy. There is a suggestion that Karikala

dredged part of the Kaveri River to provide irrigation. Among the more

impressive hydraulic water-lifts was one excavated at Sringaverapura, near

Allahabad. This may not have been used for irrigation, but the technology

of using varying water levels to draw water may have derived from irrigation

systems or even influenced them. Another method of drawing water was

the wheel attached to a well, but initially without a gearing mechanism.

Professionals involved in the making of 'water machines' were presumably

developing small irrigation works, among other things. Nevertheless, much

of the irrigation remained in the hands of wealthy landowners or was

constructed through the joint effort of the village. Tanks, wells and embank-
ments are referred to, with mention made of wells and tanks being gifted to

the Buddhist monastic community by individual donors.

As a resource, therefore, land continued to be used in various ways, most

of which were familiar from the past although some were innovatory.

Exchange and trade, however, were activities that developed in many areas

to provide revenue from new resources. Areas where there was a potential

for trade made this their predominant economy. Variant forms of exchange

were linked to specific kinds of societies. Older forms of barter and direct

exchange often persisted, but were accompanied by innovations related to

246

THE RISE OF THE MERCANTILE COMMUNITY

commercial exchange. Gift-exchange, involving status rather than profit, was

prevalent in societies where clan chiefs were still dominant and where reci-
procity was the norm, but nevertheless had an economic function as well.

Something material could even be exchanged for something intangible,

the latter having ceremonial value. Bolts of silk changed hands among chiefly

families in central Asia through a system of gift-exchange, until they finally

reached the markets where they were converted into commercial commodi-
ties. In the ritual of sacrifice, or in a donation to the Sangha, the gaining of

status by the patron of the sacrifice, or merit by the donor, was intangible

but the gift made to the priest or to the Sangha was material. Earlier a gift

was intended for the performance of a Vedic or other ritual. Now it could

be a donation to the Sangha. But the relationship between the donor and

the donee remained that of the worshipper and his/her object of worship.

An extension of this practice took the form of donations in the names of

others, for example one's parents, so that the merit thus acquired was

transferred to them.

A more complicated exchange, determined largely by economic consider-
ations, involved systems of redistribution. The germ of this already lay in

societies where wealth was acquired through raids, the plunder being

brought back for distribution among the clansmen. Even when raids were

discontinued, the obtaining of loot remained a motive for going to war.

Exchange was a more peaceful way to dispose of surplus while acquiring

wealth. If substantial, income from trade could introduce urbanism and a

Kết quả (Việt) 1:

Không ngạc nhiên,các tôn giáo được hỗ trợ bởi các thương gia, Phật giáo trước eminently vàĐạo Jaina, thấy thời hoàng kim của họ trong các thế kỷ. Tuy nhiên, đây không phải là đểđề nghị hoạt động kinh tế bị hạn chế thương mại, hoặc nông nghiệp mà có* 45ĐẦU ẤN ĐỘgiảm; sau đó tiếp tục mang lại doanh thu. Nhưng sự gia tăng Ấn tượng hơnvào hoạt động buôn bán.Doanh nghiệp nông nghiệp đã không chỉ đang diễn ra tại các khu vực đã theotrồng trọt, nhưng nhiều hơn các khu rừng và đất hoang đang được cầy xới. Thậm chí lạcphát biểu như trong Phật Pháp-shastra của Manu, mà đấtthuộc về anh ta những người đầu tiên nuôi dưỡng nó, con trỏ này. Một bình luậncũng phản ánh về vấn đề quyền sở hữu trở nên quan trọng với mộttăng trong các vùng đất thuộc sở hữu tư nhân. Tenures đa dạng với các thực hành nông nghiệpvà nhu cầu, do đó, có một đề cập đến thường xuyên của thuế. Gahapatis, nói chung cácchủ đất lớn hơn, được gặp hàng mã chữ như các nhà tài trợ cácSangha. Đóng góp có thể là bối cảnh giao dịch liên quan đến đất đai. Đất đaiđã được cấp để tu viện Phật giáo và brahmans, mặc dù chưa đượctrên quy mô tương đối nhỏ. Đó là một gợi ý về những gì đã là đi. Tuy nhiên,Giám sát nhà nước nông nghiệp như đề xuất trong các phát hiện Arthashastra ít hơnsự phản ánh trong các nguồn, có xu hướng để nhắc lại sở hữu tư nhân củadiện tích đất. Thậm chí nếu thấy ấn tượng hơn từ khảo cổ học liên quan đến thương mại,nông nghiệp là rõ ràng là một nguồn doanh thu đáng kể.The importance of land revenue is also partly determined by the varietiesof irrigation systems. States continued to maintain earlier canals and dams:the dam on the Sudarshana lake was repaired; and the canal built by theNandas in Kalinga is noteworthy. There is a suggestion that Karikaladredged part of the Kaveri River to provide irrigation. Among the moreimpressive hydraulic water-lifts was one excavated at Sringaverapura, nearAllahabad. This may not have been used for irrigation, but the technologyof using varying water levels to draw water may have derived from irrigationsystems or even influenced them. Another method of drawing water wasthe wheel attached to a well, but initially without a gearing mechanism.Professionals involved in the making of 'water machines' were presumablydeveloping small irrigation works, among other things. Nevertheless, muchof the irrigation remained in the hands of wealthy landowners or wasconstructed through the joint effort of the village. Tanks, wells and embank-ments are referred to, with mention made of wells and tanks being gifted tothe Buddhist monastic community by individual donors.As a resource, therefore, land continued to be used in various ways, mostof which were familiar from the past although some were innovatory.Exchange and trade, however, were activities that developed in many areasto provide revenue from new resources. Areas where there was a potentialfor trade made this their predominant economy. Variant forms of exchangewere linked to specific kinds of societies. Older forms of barter and directexchange often persisted, but were accompanied by innovations related to246THE RISE OF THE MERCANTILE COMMUNITYcommercial exchange. Gift-exchange, involving status rather than profit, wasprevalent in societies where clan chiefs were still dominant and where reci-procity was the norm, but nevertheless had an economic function as well.Something material could even be exchanged for something intangible,the latter having ceremonial value. Bolts of silk changed hands among chieflyfamilies in central Asia through a system of gift-exchange, until they finallyreached the markets where they were converted into commercial commodi-ties. In the ritual of sacrifice, or in a donation to the Sangha, the gaining ofstatus by the patron of the sacrifice, or merit by the donor, was intangiblebut the gift made to the priest or to the Sangha was material. Earlier a giftwas intended for the performance of a Vedic or other ritual. Now it couldbe a donation to the Sangha. But the relationship between the donor andthe donee remained that of the worshipper and his/her object of worship.An extension of this practice took the form of donations in the names ofothers, for example one's parents, so that the merit thus acquired wastransferred to them.A more complicated exchange, determined largely by economic consider-ations, involved systems of redistribution. The germ of this already lay insocieties where wealth was acquired through raids, the plunder beingbrought back for distribution among the clansmen. Even when raids werediscontinued, the obtaining of loot remained a motive for going to war.Exchange was a more peaceful way to dispose of surplus while acquiringwealth. If substantial, income from trade could introduce urbanism and a